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One-time Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: A Look Back on the Impactful Government Service

The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant occupants of that office in US history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents were confined to marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney exercised huge power during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly described as the "real president".

Bush objected to this portrayal and stated the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was respectful, always calling him in public as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney found the relaxed president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.

The Post-9/11 Era

In charge of a faction of conservative hawks that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes nearing the US Capitol.

Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, causing him to be focused on retaliation. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.

Disputed Policies

He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the waterboarding of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on misleading information repeated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the proper decision to do then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance presently."

But during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: potentially, lying, unfitness, and dishonesty."

Broader Context

Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had composed a memo setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (including "availability of vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to act independently when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.

Bush also had entered the presidency vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.

Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been behind a plot to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his parent's visage that each person had to step on.

Interrogation Methods

Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken advocating striking Iraq, consistently citing agency briefings that were either weak or totally inaccurate. He backed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.

Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the findings as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to apprehend the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."

Public Image

Cheney reveled in monikers assigned to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that remains unseen leave his lair? That is a nice way to function, truthfully."

Commercial Ties

Controversy over his commercial relationships pursued him during his tenure as VP. Even though he had limited background in corporate affairs but good contacts in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.

In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US contracts totaling substantial sums.

It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his time at the corporation grew from his previous salary while defence secretary to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty

By

Penny Weaver

A seasoned journalist with over 15 years of experience covering politics and social issues across the UK and Europe.

ViewDaily UK

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